School Culture
The way people think and behave in various cultural contexts has been well described in the literature (Hofstede, 2011; Johnson, Snyder, Anderson, & Johnson, 1996; Spencer-Oatey, 2012). Definitions range from Deal and Kennedy’s simple description of culture as an understanding of “the way we do things around here”, with its elements of shared values, beliefs, ceremonies, and network of communication, to more elaborate variations where culture is seen as “the collective programming of the mind distinguishing the members of one group or category of people from another, revolving round basic issues that have to do with group membership, authority, gender roles, morality, anxiety, emotions and drives” (Hofstede, 2011, p. 6).
There are different cultures relating to different nations and periods as well as different cultures within a nation and within organisations, such as schools having different standards. Definitions of culture vary from the general to specific, depending on the discipline and the level of analysis. Societal culture can be defined as the values, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviours that are shared by the vast majority of people in a group or nation (Harvey & Stensaker, 2008), but in such a definition, it is noted that behaviour is derivative, not central. Organisational culture is an important factor in forming organisational structures and practices, what Schein (2004, p. 26) refers to as “artefacts”. Artefacts of organisational culture can be observed both directly as manifestations of human behavior, as rituals for example, as well as through the testimony of individuals and witness of documents (Maali & Napier, 2010, p. 2). In all definitions of culture, therefore, the history of the group seems to be a key component.
Whatever their size, all groups must deal with two major sets of problems, firstly survival and secondly the ability to adapt and learn. So, culture develops from shared experience, leading to “a pattern of shared basic assumptions that was learned by a group as it solved its problems of external adaptation and internal integration, that has worked well enough to be considered valid and, therefore, to be taught to new members as the correct way to perceive, think, and feel in relation to those problems”, according to Schein (2010, p. 17). So culture is learned, not inherited. It derives from one’s social environment, Spencer-Oatey, (2012, p. 6) explains. This is especially evident in the study of Arab culture, which in pre-Islam times, around the late sixth and early seventh century A.D., was defined geographically as those people living in the Arabian Peninsula, characterised by “total absence of political organisation in any form” other than the authority of the chiefs over their tribes, power that rested on their character and personality: “The desert could support only a limited number of people, and the state of inter-tribal war maintained a rigid control over the growth of population” (Razwy, n.d.). Consequently, there was limited social, economic and political development at that time.
The birth of Islam brought with it a different sort of societal organisation for the region and beyond as the Moslem religion spread, “an association formed according to Divine Law, for the purpose of harmonious and peaceful coexistence” (Mohammed Muslehuddin, 1997, cited in Sumaya, and Shadiya (2012). Islamic society or Ummah is not determined at all by geographic considerations but based on a unifying belief and “Divine Law, which regulate their relationships and their activities for the continuity and improvement of the society. This definition includes non-Muslims with all their rights, duties and obligations under an Islamic state” (Sumaya, Mohamed S; Shadiya, 2012, p. 114). Such a societal culture is Islamic and Tawhidic in the sense that its existence is based on the submission to one God and conformation to His Shari’ah laws as guidance for the continuation of this society (op. cit., p.118), unified by common norms and values as outlined in the Holy Qu’ran. Muslims are to enjoy the good, forbid the evil, and believe in Allah. The Qu’ran recognises the equality of all people in the sight of God (including people of different ethnicities as well as gender), the worth and dignity of human beings, and their entitlement to access to the earth’s resources, whether believers or not. According to Zaheer (2014), the Qu’ran requires Muslims to establish justice and balance inside the society and consult before making decisions.
Gulf cultures are inherently oral cultures, (Torstrick & Faier, 2009) and the Islamic principles that underpin everyday life are today, as in the past, learned through memorizing the Qu’ran, as well as experiencing their application as a lived reality. By learning the Qu’ran children effectively learn the Arabic language, as well as gaining guidance on how to conduct their daily lives. Bahrain’s Museum identifies that the very first schooling often took place at the home of a Muller, someone recognised as having a comprehensive knowledge of the Qu’ran, and children learned by rote, chanting each verse till it was memorised verbatim. As already described in previous article, Quran schools were the only source of education in Bahrain prior to the 20th century. However, following the end of the First World War, Western ideas became more widespread in the country, culminating in the opening of the first public school of Bahrain, Al-Hidaya Al-Khalifia Boys School, which was founded by prominent citizens of Muharraq and endorsed by the Bahraini royal family. The country’s first Education Committee was established by several leading Bahraini merchants, headed by Khaikh Abdulla bin Isa Al-Khalifa, the son of the then-ruler of Bahrain, Isa ibn Ali Al-Khalifa, who acted as the de facto Minister of Education. The Bahraini Government took control of the schools in 1930, but Arabic and Religious studies remain an important part of the school curriculum, and Islam continues to underpin all aspects of everyday life.
However, today the fundamental principles of Islam are observed to be overlaid by cultural characteristics that can be seen to have been derived from tribal organisation that pervaded the Arabian Peninsula in days gone by. Bahrain’s culture is similar to Arab culture, being traditionally dominated by interpersonal networks, and deep connections of kin and obligation that provide a pervasive foundation for important decisions and information sharing (Rabbi, 2009, citied by Daylami et al., (2015, p. 121). Given its common history, the Arab region broadly shares a common heritage and core values and faces similar economic and social challenges. Arab societies, are characterised by strong family values and consequently trusting relationships are very important. Arabs feel protected by, and great dedication towards, their kinship groups, although these relationships can also be extended to include groups based on other ties, such as being from the same city or region, school, or workplace. Attachment to one’s group proves to be very helpful in the various daily life aspects. For example, people in superior positions are expected to provide assistance to members of their own groups, providing help in finding a job, getting admitted to a hospital or a school, removing hurdles from official procedures and sorting things out with government departments. Similarly, the group also plays an important role in the social as well as the economic life of individuals, being influential in making arrangements for marriages and funerals, lending money and helping when a member of the group is facing a crisis. Such a network of interdependent relationships reduces the level of individualism in Arab society where people generally prefer to live in a family networked group more than as individuals.
These societal traits are reflected in the way organisations, such as schools, function in the Arab world, where critical decisions and approvals are only taken by top management. As a consequence, for example, the KoB’s school improvement project managers have limited access or control over financial resources. Naturally this impacts directly on financial support alignment with project schedules, selecting suitable people for certain jobs, or even changing things in systems. This is because in Arab societies public organisations generally have more rigid hierarchies and structures, as well as more bureaucracy generally and, with consensus decision-making also delaying the process considerably, the deep culture of public sector organisations affects timely implementation. Consequently, Arab cultures usually implement changes top-down rather than bottom-up, leading some to argue that the change culture is heavily related to political ambitions or international change (Harvey & Stensaker, 2008).
Culture also affects learning in schools, as Al-Harthi explains:
Western world views include competition, individuality, timing and scheduling, dualistic thinking, nuclear family, superiority of their world view, separation of religion from culture, and task orientation. In comparison, non-Western world views include cooperation, collectivity, relativity of time, holistic thinking, extended family, religion as a part of culture, acceptance of other cultures, and social orientation (2005, p. 2).
Bahraini culture, underpinned by Islamic Religious beliefs, has a considerable impact on human perceptions, interpretations and actions that subsequently influence organisational decision making and school performance in ways that are not always perceived as positive. The World Bank (2008), for example, suggests that investment in education in the MENA region has not resulted in the anticipated level of economic growth due to issues with both educational quality and quantity. This source highlights that compared to international benchmarks, education in the Middle East and Northern Africa disadvantages its learners by high teacher to pupil ratios and limited opportunities related to fewer years of schooling; shorter school days and fewer weeks in the academic year. Outdated curricula with a reliance on content and rote learning rather than critical thinking, coupled with shortages of qualified teachers, also pose challenges to the quality of education in the region (Kaasa & Vadi, 2010). Culture unifies people, but it may also act to prevent change. It is vital in generating educational reform to have a school culture that encourages and supports teachers’ learning, providing a stimulating context for teachers to change (Jurasaite-Harbison & Rex, 2010). Teachers’ work is embedded in social, cultural and school contexts (Samuelsson & Lindblad, 2015), and cannot be looked at in isolation. People’s culture, their beliefs and behavioural norms can contribute to, or block, the process of developing and implementing improvements (Kaasa & Vadi, 2010). It has been found that collaborative work cultures, for example, make a difference in how well students learn, although it is not clearly known how these cultures operate to produce such effects (Fullan, 2000). Whilst the British Council (2013) suggests MENA countries learn from others in establishing a quality education sector to support economic growth, much has also been written about difficulties of applying educational concepts and policies developed in the West to other parts of the world (Billing & Thomas, 2000; Harvey & Williams, 2010; Harvey & Williamson, 2010).
It has been established that there is a relationship between learning and culture. This study, which investigates the school improvement initiative in Bahrain, brings a complex cultural mix as the schools are Bahrain government institutions, but with a mix of both expatriate and local teachers, overseen by the Ministry of Education with a Bahraini Senior Management, hence providing the opportunity to gain valuable insights into how culture affects the implementation of change, and lessons for managing change in school settings.
Dr. Ahmed AlKoofi
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